In recent years, there has been extensive discussion of a social decline in the United States, including a U.S. surgeon general advisory in 2023 that declared American loneliness to be an “epidemic.”
Various surveys have tracked America’s social decline over the past few decades. Tracking data from the American Time Use Survey shows that Americans are spending more time alone and less time with friends than they were two decades ago. Perhaps most notably, the American Perspectives Survey has found that from 1990 to 2021, the percentage of Americans with five or more close friends dropped by 25 points, from 63% to 38%.
But while extensive public tracking data show general declines in Americans’ socialization, little, if any, public data show what this looks like for the average American — how the day-to-day activities Americans participate in have changed over the past few decades.
In a new survey, Data for Progress surveyed 1,098 U.S. adults and asked them how many times they engaged in various specific social activities in the past 12 months. These questions directly replicate the DDB Needham Life Style surveys, which tracked Americans’ participation in various activities from 1975-1999 and were referenced in Robert Putnam’s 2000 book “Bowling Alone.” In this analysis, Data for Progress’ 2026 data is compared with the DDB Needham Life Style survey from 1995, which is the earliest year in which full data for all comparison questions was available.
This survey finds significant, double-digit declines in Americans’ participation in key social activities from 1995 to 2026.
The chart below compares the percentage of Americans who report participating in each tested activity at least one time in the past 12 months, between the 1995 and 2026 surveys. We find that Americans’ participation in various social activities has declined by double-digit margins, including attending a class or seminar (-22), entertaining people in your home (-21), attending church or a place of worship (-20), going on a picnic (-19), going to a club meeting (-19), playing cards (-19), going out to breakfast at a restaurant (-13), and doing volunteer work (-12).
A few activities have seen increased engagement: using the internet (+90), playing a home video game (+22), attending an exercise class (+14), going to a pop or rock concert (+13), and taking an airline trip for personal reasons (+5).
Methodology note: This analysis compares two surveys conducted using different methodologies, including differences in constructing sampling frames, modes, and weighting approaches. The findings below should be read as suggestive of trends, not a precise estimate of change. Please see the “Methodology” section below for more information.
One of the steepest declines in the survey is for “entertaining people in my home.” While in 1995, 88% of Americans reported entertaining others at home at least once in the past year, this number has declined to 67% in 2026.
There has also been a 19-point decline in attendance at club meetings, from 45% in 1995 to 26% in 2026.
This analysis adds to existing public data on America’s social decline. Previous reports have found that Americans are spending less time with others and reporting fewer close friends. This new analysis demonstrates that Americans are indeed spending less time in specific social settings, such as restaurants, churches, picnics, parties, bars, and social clubs.
Methodology
The DDB Needham survey was conducted by Market Facts using a stratified quota sampling procedure that begins with a sampling frame acquired from commercial list brokers. The sample oversamples by demographics such as race, gender, and marital status to oversample lower propensity respondents. Finally, the survey contacted individuals via mail.
In comparison, the Data for Progress adult sample was conducted through web panel suppliers and ensured national representativeness via quota fielding and post-stratification weighting.
There is plenty of research on the compositional differences that exist across survey collection modes, and this is likely to affect these results as questions about religiosity and loneliness tend to demonstrate modal differences and social desirability biases. We understand that these factors are at play in our comparison, but find that the magnitude and consistency in trends across measures is a substantial signal about trends in behaviors nonetheless.